第42章 Letter XI(2)

The use I make of what hath been here said is this:the design of the Revolution being not only to save us from the immediate attempts on our religion and liberty,made by King James,but to save us from all other attempts which had been made,or might be made,of the same tendency;to renew and strengthen our constitution;'to establish the peace,honour and happiness of these nations upon lasting foundations,--and to procure a settlement of the religion,and of the liberties and properties of the subjects,upon so sure a foundation,that there might be no danger of the nation's relapsing into the like miseries at any time hereafter'.This being,I say,the avowed design of the Revolution,and the nation having engaged in it on a confidence that all this would be effectually performed,the design of the Revolution was not accomplished,the benefit of it was not secured to us,the just expectations of the nation could not be answered,unless the freedom of elections,and the frequency,integrity and independency of Parliaments were sufficiently provided for.

These are the essentials of British liberty.Defects in other parts of the constitution can never be fatal,if these are preserved entire.But defects in these will soon destroy the constitution,though every other part of it should be so preserved.However it happened,the truth and notoriety of the fact oblige us to say,that these important conditions,without which liberty can never be secure,were almost wholly neglected at the Revolution.The Claim of Right declares,indeed,that 'elections ought to be free;that freedom of speech and debates ought not to be impeached or questioned out of parliament;and that parliaments ought to be held frequently'.But such declarations,however solemnly made,are nothing better than pompous trifles,if they stand alone;productive of no good;and thus far productive of ill,that they serve to amuse mankind in points of the greatest importance,and wherein it concerns them the most nearly neither to be deceived,nor so much as amused.These were rights,no doubt,to which the nation had an indisputable claim.But then they ought to have been more than claimed,since they had been so often and so lately invaded.That they were not more than claimed,that they were not effectually asserted and secured,at this time,gave very great and immediate dissatisfaction;and they who were called Whigs in those days,distinguished themselves by the loudness of their complaints.Thus for instance,they insisted that there could be no 'real settlement;nay,that it was a jest to talk of a settlement,till the manner and time of calling Parliaments,and their fitting when called,were fully determined':and this in order to prevent the practice of 'keeping one and the same Parliament so long on foot,till the majority was corrupted by offices,gifts and pensions'.They insisted that the assurances given at the Revolution had led them to think,that 'the ancient,legal course of annually chosen parliaments would have been immediately restored';and the Particular circumstances of King William,who had received the crown by gift of the people,and who had renewed the original contract with the people,which are precisely the circumstances of the present royal family,were urged as particular reasons for the nation to expect his compliance.

The frequent sitting of Parliament was indeed provided for,indirectly and in consequence,by the exigencies of the war,which soon followed the Revolution.This war made annual supplies necessary;and,before it was over,the same necessity of annual sessions of Parliament came to be established,as it continues to this hour,by the great alteration made with relation to the public revenue.The whole public revenue had been the King's formerly.

Parliamentary aids were,in those days,extraordinary and occasional;and things came to that pass at last,that Parliaments were more frequently,or more rarely convened,just as courts had more frequent or more rare occasions for such supplies.But King William began to be,and all our princes since him have continued to be,only proprietors for life of that part of the public revenue,which is appropriated to their civil list;although they are entrusted still with the management of the whole,and are even the stewards of the public creditors for that part which is the private property of these creditors.